"Kodolpho, Gustav meant for us to put pressure on President Hindenburg, you are off topic," Thyssen couldn't help but interrupt.
"Kodolpho, I can't guarantee this now, but I believe that my son will not let me down. What we have to discuss now is how to push the National Socialist Party to the front. We will discuss the remaining issues later." Gus Taff replied.
After a long discussion, Gustav, Thyssen, and Kodolf finally decided to split up, contact their friends and business partners, and decided to put pressure on President Hindenburg.
The German Concern tycoons wrote to German President Hindenburg, publicly demanding that Nazi Party leader Hitler come to power. The letter stated: "We believe that only by allowing the largest group of the national movement to participate in the government and occupy a dominant position can people be willing to make sacrifices. The leader of the largest group of the national movement is entrusted with the responsibility of leading a group of people with practical A presidential cabinet composed of people of ability and personal ability can eliminate the scum and ills that are inevitable in any mass movement, and it is also possible to attract millions of people who still sit on the sidelines today and turn them into a positive force." The letter was signed by Schacht, Schroeder, Sloman, Koudolf, Ullmann, Vogler, Thyssen, Hanel, Krupp, Siemens, Springrum, Bosch, von Oppen, and von Coydel. These names represent Germany's largest steel, coal, chemical and power industry companies, as well as shipping company bosses, big bankers and big landowners.
Papen realized this and, putting aside his professed personal dislike of Hitler, wrote him a letter on November 13 inviting him to come and discuss the situation. However, Hitler put forward so many conditions in his reply that Papen finally gave up all hope of reaching an understanding with him. The stubborn attitude of the Nazi party leader did not surprise the easy-going and incompetent chancellor. What surprised him was a new suggestion now made by his friend and counselor Schleicher. It turned out that the scheming manipulator had come to the conclusion that Papen, like his predecessor Bruning, was no longer of any use. New plans were now brewing in his endlessly scheming mind. His good friend Papen must step down. The president must be free to deal with all political parties without any restrictions, especially with the largest parties. He demanded Papen's resignation, and Papen and his cabinet resigned on November 17. Hindenburg immediately sent for Hitler. Schleicher himself also stepped up his collusion with the Nazis.
Papen was naive and never knew what tricks Schleicher was playing behind his back. It was not until he met with the president on December 1 that Papen was surprised to learn that the general was going to form a cabinet in person. Schleicher told the president that he believed it would be possible to form a government with majority support in Congress if he were to lead it. He was confident that he could make Hitler's deputy Strasser and at least 60 other Nazi party members break away from Hitler. In addition to this group of Nazis, he was able to secure the support of middle-class parties and the Social Democrats. He even thought the union would support him.
On December 2, Schleicher became chancellor, the first general to hold this position since General Montegogli succeeded Bismarck in 1890. Schleicher's machinations finally sent him to the highest position when the economic depression was at its peak, when the Weimar Republic he had tried so hard to destroy had collapsed, and when no one trusted him anymore. But it was obvious to almost everyone but him that his days at the top were numbered. Hitler was convinced of this.
Schleicher wanted Papen to go away and offered him the post of ambassador to Paris, but he declined. He wanted to stay in the capital and lay out his own network of conspiracy against this master of conspiracy. Berlin was the most strategic place. Papen was busy spinning a web of intrigue like a spider. As the troubled year of 1932 drew to a close, Berlin was teeming with cabals. In addition to the Papen Group and the Schleicher Group, Hindenburg's son Oscar also controls the real power behind the scenes. Hitler and the people around him in the Kesserhof Hotel were not only plotting to seize power, but also plotting to kill each other. Soon, this conspiracy network became more and more complicated, and the struggle became more and more acute.
As soon as Schleicher became Chancellor, he invited Gregor Strasser to become German Deputy Chancellor and Chancellor of Prussia. Schleicher, having failed in inviting Hitler to join his government, now intended to drop this bait on Strasser to split the Nazi party.
There is reason to believe that he may succeed. Strasser was the second-ranking figure in the party, and among the "left" elements of the party, because they seriously believed in National Socialism, he was more popular than Hitler. He is the leader of the party organization department and has direct contact with local party leaders at all levels. He seems to have quite a lot of support from them.
As a result, Schleicher's wishful thinking failed. Although Strasser had different political views with Hitler, he refused to join Schleicher's government. After he fell out with Hitler, he resigned from all positions in the Nazi Party in anger and went on vacation in sunny Italy.
On December 10, a week after General Schleicher stumbled into a somersault, Papen began to lay out his own web of intrigue. Secretly colluded with the Nazis and held a secret meeting with Hitler on January 4. Papen proposed that the Schleicher cabinet be replaced by a Hitler-Papen cabinet. Under these circumstances, the Schleicher government was in an increasingly difficult position.
Therefore, on January 23, Schleicher went to see Hindenburg, admitted that he could not win the support of the majority in Congress, asked for the dissolution of Congress, and granted him emergency powers in accordance with Article 48 of the Constitution to exercise government powers according to the presidential orders. . Schleicher racked his brains and ended up back where Papen had been in December.
But now their roles have been reversed. Papen demanded emergency powers, but Schleicher opposed it, suggesting that he himself organize a majority government with the support of the Nazi Party. It was the general who now insisted on dictatorship, but the cunning fox Papen assured the old field marshal that he could win over Hitler to form a government and have the support of a majority in the Reichstag. This is how scoundrels and conspirators turn their hands into clouds and rain!
On the winter morning of January 30, 1933, the tragedy of the Weimar Republic, the tragedy of the Germans' 14 years of futile and clumsy efforts to implement democratic institutions, finally came to an end. Schleicher ended his 57 days in power and submitted his resignation to the president. And Hitler, a former tramp in Vienna and an outcast of the First World War, ascended to the throne of Prime Minister of this country with the support of German soldiers and right-wingers.
At the beginning, the National Socialist Party occupied a minority position in the new government. Among the 11 cabinet positions, they only occupied 3. In addition to Hitler serving as prime minister, Flick served as minister of the interior, and Göring served as minister regardless of the situation. Prussian Minister of the Interior.
Several important ministries were given to conservative elements. They were quite confident that they had captured Hitler and could serve their purposes. Nireiter continued to serve as Minister of Foreign Affairs, Blomberg served as Minister of Foreign Affairs, Hugenberg served as Minister of Economy, and Papen himself was the Federal Deputy Prime Minister and Prime Minister of Prussia.
Hitler was well aware that he had come to power with the support of the president, the army, and conservative elements, all of whom were outside the Nazi movement and to some extent distrustful of it. Therefore, Hitler's immediate task was to quickly deprive them of their dominance.
Lin Wei could understand Hitler's thoughts. A born dictator cannot tolerate forces independent of his own will. According to the course of history, Hitler will take action against the Communist Party. This is another opportunity to mix seniority. Lin Wei is He would never miss such an opportunity, so Lin Wei first proposed to Hitler to eradicate the Communist Party and said, "In the long run, the only party that can oppose our movement is the Communist Party." Urged Hitler to make up his mind early.
After listening to Lin Wei's words, Hitler did not express his position. In the evening, he secretly summoned Göring. Göring's attitude was exactly the same as that of Lin Wei. He also proposed his own plan and handed it over to his subordinates, Reinhard & Hai. Derich went to do it, and Heydrich was Lin Wei's secret move. When Heydrich couldn't survive in the navy, he came to Munich and found Lin Wei. Lin Wei knew Heydrich's talents well, but the SS The intelligence agency within the army was under the control of Himmler, and Linwei had no choice but to recommend it to Goering.
"Heydrich is a genius intelligence officer," Lin Wei said at the time.
When Heydrich arrived at Göring's side, he immediately burst out with dazzling light. His talent in intelligence was unparalleled. Göring immediately handed over his subordinate secret police to Heydrich.
After all, eradicating the Communist Party is a big operation, and it cannot be done without the support of the stormtroopers, the largest force in the party. For this reason, Hitler had a long conversation with Röhm, and Röhm agreed to let the stormtroopers cooperate with the action.
Under Göring's office of the Speaker of the Reichstag, there is an underground heating pipe passage leading to the Reichstag. On the evening of February 27, a Berlin stormtrooper named Carl Ernst, who had worked as a waiter in a hotel, led a small group of stormtroopers through this underground passage to the Reichstag, where they sprinkled gasoline and flammable chemicals, and then Someone was sent to set off several fires, and in an instant the majestic Capitol Building was reduced to ashes.
After the incident, Goering shouted hoarsely: "This is the crime of the Communist Party against the new government!" Reinhard Heydrich and Rudolf Diels, the leaders of the Nazi secret police, shouted: "The Communist revolution has begun! We cannot sit still for a minute. We must deal with them mercilessly. Once the Communist cadres are found, they will be killed on the spot.