From the point to the end, Franz did not go further on this topic.
The capitalists are not easy to mess with, even if they are not yet dominant in the government, their power is still not to be underestimated.
Standing in Franz's position, it's okay to ask questions. It's okay to ask him to charge for the interests of the working class and fight against the bourgeoisie!
For this great and arduous task, Franz has decided to hand it over to the conservatives of the aristocracy, and Prime Minister Metternich is one of the candidates.
Perhaps one day, the capitalists are calling for the opening of voting rights, the implementation of constitutional government, and the liberation of serfs; the aristocrats are demanding the formulation of labor protection laws to protect the rights and interests of the working class.
However, after these two groups of people shouted the slogan, the Austrian people will probably be dumbfounded.
This is also determined by the actual situation in Austria. The nobles are still in the feudal class, and they have a natural conflict of interest with the capitalists, and the two sides have not yet had time to merge.
If by the beginning of the 20th century, the aristocracy and capitalists had formed interest groups, then there would have been no other way than to overthrow and rebuild by political means.
In addition to fanning the flames in front of Metternich, Franz has other preparations. He doesn't think his words can impress the old fox Metternich.
Don't think that their relationship is very good, but in politics, everyone never looks at friendship.
While chatting, Franz also got the qualification to run a newspaper. Before the March 1848 Revolution, the Austrian Empire implemented a book censorship system.
As of March 1848 before the Vienna Revolution, Austria had a total of 79 newspapers. This is a newspaper, not a newspaper!
Considering that a newspaper can publish several newspapers at the same time, the number of newspapers will only be fewer.
Looking at this set of data, you can see how difficult it is to run a newspaper in this era.
However, this is not a problem for Franz. The control of books and newspapers is to curb the spread of revolutionary ideas. Anyone may support the revolutionary party, but he, the heir to the throne, cannot support the revolutionary party to revolutionize his own life. .
Franz is still very morally educated, anxious about the people's worries and worries, so the name of his newspaper is "We Want Bread, We Want Cheese".
The definition of this newspaper is exactly the same as the name. For the safety of the newspaper, he decided to put the newspaper at the gate of the police station.
It is very troublesome to open a newspaper office in this era. Even if Franz can omit the most cumbersome procedures, the labor and venue always need to be found by himself.
The most important thing is newspaper editors and reporters. These people must have passion, dare to face this cruel society, but also not be so hot-blooded that they forget who they eat.
The country is unfortunate, the poet is fortunate, and the vicissitudes of the sentence are easy to work.
This sentence is very reasonable. In the mid-19th century, a large number of literati and writers emerged in Austria. Some of these people insisted on creating, and some changed their routes to play politics.
In any case, the propaganda skills of the pens are not comparable to the nobles.
For example, the lawyer-turned-Hungarian politician Kossuth was a propaganda strongman. He kicked off Hungary's independence in 1847 and once became the head of the Hungarian Republic.
Of course, he also has the common problem of literati. He is an idealist. The plans he makes are often divorced from the actual situation, and the uprising is naturally suppressed.
Franz has no interest in Kossuth, and no matter how strong his propaganda ability is, he is still an ultra-nationalist.
The two sides are naturally antagonistic. Of course, if they want to buy it, it may not be successful, but Franz has no such interest.
In his concept of employing people, the importance of loyalty far outweighs ability, and the bottom line for employing people must also be guaranteed not to be an enemy.
After pondering for a while, Franz wrote a few names on the piece of paper, and then ordered: "Raul, send someone to check these people on the list, and if there is no problem, send it to them in the name of the newspaper. An invitation!"
"Yes, Archduke!" said entourage Raul hastily
It is not easy to recruit people in this era. The university is still an ivory tower, there are no ordinary people in it, and the parents with the lowest status are also small capitalists.
The so-called inspirational stories are all used to deceive people, and the high tuition fees cannot be collected by work-study programs.
The literati and writers in the society are not as poor as everyone imagines, of course, the family is the exception.
If you want to recruit people, you can either hang a billboard in a place with a lot of people, or place an advertisement in a newspaper, or more often through acquaintances.
According to acquaintances, this is definitely not suitable for Franz, and the people he contacts are not so abysmal. Dragons do not live with snakes, so naturally they will not know those ordinary workers.
But this is not in a hurry. It is still very easy to recruit ordinary workers. Compared with other industries, working in a newspaper office is still a very decent job, and I am not afraid that no one will come to respond.
On the contrary, it takes time to recruit reporters and editors. The people Franz invites are all well-known literati and writers in the society.
It doesn't matter whether you come or not, it's just telling them that now there is another newspaper in Austria, and they also have a place to publish articles to earn royalties.
From beginning to end, he did not make a public appearance, although many people will know that he is the behind-the-scenes boss of the newspaper.
If it weren't for economic problems, Franz wouldn't mind opening dozens of newspapers at one time and fighting for the dominance of public opinion.
Considering the issue of return on investment, Franz resolutely counseled, mastering a newspaper office to guide the country at ordinary times, and he could bring the rhythm when needed.
Austria's reforms have been going on for many years, and the current Prime Minister Clemens Metternich was once a representative of the reformists.
It's just that now he is no longer a human being, inside and out, and the domestic bourgeoisie dislikes that his reforms are not strong enough to fully satisfy their interests.
The aristocratic conservatives also rejected him as the prime minister. As a representative of the aristocratic interest group, he advocated that the liberation of serfs would harm the interests of the aristocratic group.
Even the Viennese court actually didn't take much notice of him, the reformist Prime Minister, for the very simple reason that the slogan had been chanted for too long, but the reforms had not seen results.
Franz may be the person who can understand him best in this era. To put it in a vivid way: the Austrian Empire is like a moth-eaten house. If a part is moved, no one knows how much it will collapse.
Out of a prudent and responsible attitude, Metternich carried out reforms very carefully, lest one bad thing would collapse.
Naturally, this kind of shrinking reform cannot succeed. How can a reform without bloodshed be successful